cnn 翻譯

Next week, Brexit might actually get interesting. After two years of screaming into the wind, the UK's elected lawmakers finally get to do something useful.

下週, 脫歐或許變得很有趣, 在兩年風雨裡，英國選出的國會議員將做出一些有用的決策。

On Tuesday, they get to have their say on Prime Minister Theresa May's deal with the European Union, as the long-awaited "meaningful vote" hits Parliament.

在禮拜二，他們到達他們說的總理德瑞莎 梅對歐盟的處置，期待已久的有意義的投票在投票中

Brexit is a uniquely peculiar bit of politics that has made the UK a uniquely peculiar place.

脫歐是一個顯而的政治顯然是讓英國獨立的政策

It's no secret that the country is bitterly divided over more than whether it should be in or out of the EU. For an issue that was once binary (Leave; Remain), there are now innumerable desired outcomes, none of which, we're told, command that all-important parliamentary majority.
國家顯然分成更多應該加入或離開歐盟是沒有秘密的. 從一個議題來說, 一旦兩種選擇(離開;保留), 這裡無數收入, 我們所說的, 命令所有大部分國會

The simplest outcome would be for May to win on Tuesday. That would mean the UK officially leaving the EU on March 29, before starting work on what comes next. But that "if" is so gargantuan it warrants its own moon. Even members of May's inner circle privately admit that they expect her to lose.
最簡單結果也會在梅總理在週二的時候來臨, 那也意味著英國官方地離開歐盟,在
開始工作之前。 但是萬一這個龐大的使有必要，每個梅總理的成員裡面的私下承諾他們輸。

If that happens, it becomes a numbers game. A modest loss could give May the confidence to try again. A heavy defeat, however, could kill both her deal and her leadership. And that's where those innumerable desired outcomes come back into play.
如果發生，將會是一個大量的遊戲。典型會輸的將是給梅總理一個信心去嘗試，一個擊潰，然而，也會擊毀她的交易和領導力。她的那些無數的想望結果起作用。

Possible scenarios include: an attempted (probably doomed) renegotiation with the EU; extending the article 50 process (the mechanism by which a member state leaves the EU); a collapse of government and general election; a change of prime minister; a second EU referendum; a scrapping of Brexit altogether; and crashing out with a no-deal.
包含以下可能的場景：一個嘗試和歐盟重新協議, 政府的倒塌和一般選舉，總理的改變，第二次歐盟公投；刮取部分的脫歐；被無交易淘汰

It's these other outcomes -- and their proponents -- that are worth placing under a microscope.
這是其他結果，他們的擁護者，值得放在顯微鏡下檢視

The various tribes have consistently hidden behind principles to avoid endorsing an option that is *actually* on the table -- or building a consensus behind their preference. Worse, they have decided to ignore the real-world problems that accompany their solutions.

Call it lying, call it willful misunderstanding, whatever: in the two-and-a-halfish years since 51.9% voted Leave, few in the UK's political class have distinguished themselves.

Let's start with the most common breed: those who think May (or someone else) should try to get a better deal.

We know that the Withdrawal Agreement -- the divorce and transition to full independence -- is locked. A European diplomatic source told me recently that this isn't a hardball negotiating position from the EU. It has taken 28 countries the best part of two years to reach this agreement. The idea something much better can be rushed through before the Brexit deadline is somewhat optimistic.

And what that "better deal" might be is contentious, too. Some MPs want to emulate a softer Norway-style arrangement, granting the UK access to the single market; others want a looser trade agreement, not dissimilar to the one Canada enjoys with the EU. But both options are deemed unacceptable to the opposing camp and, crucially, neither addresses the Northern Ireland question.